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South Bulletin: Individual Articles
South Centre Chairperson Holds Meeting with President of China 

[South Bulletin 72 Article]

The Chairperson of the Board of the South Centre, former President of Tanzania H.E. Benjamin Mkapa, has met with the new President of China H.E. Xi Jinping, when he visited Tanzania.  The meeting took place on 25 March in Dar Es Salaam.

President Mkapa briefed President Xi on the work of the South Centre and asked for China’s participation and support for expanding South-South cooperation with the South Centre.

According to a report from China’s Xinhua news agency:    

“Xi spoke highly of Mkapa's efforts as the South Center chairman in promoting South-South cooperation and increasing representation of the developing countries, adding that China is willing to continue to provide help within its capability to the South Center.

“Mkapa said he has visited China many times, and could, on each visit, witness the development that China has achieved, which has fortified his determination to explore a development path that fits the basic situation of his country. 

“He also hailed President Xi's visit to Tanzania as a new milestone in bilateral ties, which will vigorously enhance bilateral cooperation.  

“Mkapa promised that he would continue to contribute to the development of Tanzania-China relations and that the South Center would like to strengthen its cooperation with China.”

The South Centre believes that this meeting will greatly contribute to the further cooperation between the South Centre and China.

The meeting of President Xi and Chairman Mkapa was also highlighted on prime time TV in China (in the TV station CCTV) in the 7pm news of that day.

Xinhua News Agency Report of the Meeting between Chinese President and South Centre Chairperson

DAR ES SALAAM, March 25 (Xinhua) -- Chinese President Xi Jinping on Monday met separately with Ali Mohamed Shein, leader of Tanzania's Zanzibar, and former Tanzanian President Benjamin William Mkapa.

In a meeting with Mkapa, President Xi praised the former Tanzanian president as an old friend of China, as well as an advocate and a witness of the China-Africa and China-Tanzania friendship.

Thanks to the joint efforts by generations of leaders from both countries, the China-Tanzania all-weather friendship has enjoyed constant development, said Xi.

The Chinese President believed that with concerted efforts from both sides, the bilateral comprehensive cooperative partnership based on mutual benefit and win-win results would undoubtedly move forward.

Mkapa, who served as president of Tanzania from 1995 to 2005, is currently chairman of the South Center, an intergovernmental organization of developing countries with its headquarters in Geneva.

Xi spoke highly of Mkapa's efforts as the South Center chairman in promoting South-South cooperation and increasing representation of the developing countries, adding that China is willing to continue to provide help within its capability to the South Center.

Mkapa said he has visited China many times, and could, on each visit, witness the developmentChina has achieved, which has fortified his determination to explore a development path that fits the basic situation of his country.

He also hailed President Xi's visit to Tanzania as a new milestone in bilateral ties, which will vigorously enhance bilateral cooperation.

Mkapa promised that he would continue to contribute to the development of Tanzania-China relations and that the South Center would like to strengthen its cooperation with China.

 

 
The Board and Council of the South Centre Hold Meetings in Geneva 

[South Bulletin 72 Article]

The end of January and the beginning of February 2013 saw the South Centre organising a series of events centred around the 30th meeting of its Board and the XIVth meeting of its Council of Representatives, and included a reception for the Member States and a holding of a South Conference on the global economic crisis and review of multilateral negotiations.


Board meeting and reception

Under the chairmanship of South Centre Board Chairman Benjamin William Mkapa, former President of the United Republic of Tanzania, the Board of the South Centre held its 30th meeting on 29 and 30 January 2013 in Geneva. The Board is the governance body of the South Centre that is tasked to review and approve the work programme and the annual budget of the South Centre, and report on these to the Council of Representatives of the member States of the South Centre which serves as the highest policymaking body of the organisation.

At its 30th meeting, the Board reviewed the Centre’s activities that were undertaken in 2012 and approved the work plan for 2013. The Board also reviewed the Centre’s financial status and approved its budget for 2013. The Board also agreed to nominate two new Board members. They are Mr. Ransford Smith who was the Deputy Secretary-General of the Commonwealth of Nations and a former Ambassador of Jamaica to the UN and WTO in Geneva, and Ms. Victoria Tauli-Corpuz of the Philippines, Founder and Executive Director of the Tebtebba Foundation (Indigenous Peoples' International Centre for Policy Research and Education).

A reception was hosted by the South Centre at its office on 29 January. It was attended by the Board members, many ambassadors and senior officials from the permanent missions of the member States of the South Centre and other developing countries, and of international organisations and NGOs based in Geneva. At the reception, Chairman Mkapa stressed the crucial importance to the South Centre of the continuing support being provided by its member States and other developing countries in enabling the South Centre to carry out its mandate to strengthen South-South solidarity and unity in today’s global context. Chairman Mkapa expressed his appreciation for the work of the Board and of the Secretariat. Many ambassadors also made speeches appreciating the South Centre’s work and reaffirmed to continue providing support to the Centre.

Meeting of the Council of Representatives

The 14th meeting of the Council of Representatives of the member States of the South Centre took place on the afternoon of 31 January 2013 at the Palais des Nations, and was attended by the ambassadors and senior officials of the member States. It was chaired by the Convenor of the Council, Ambassador Abdul Minty of South Africa.

The Council elected Mr. Dilip Sinha, Ambassador of India to the UN in Geneva, to serve as the Vice-Convenor of the Council for a three-year term.

The Council then heard the report of Mr. Martin Khor, Executive Director of the South Centre Secretariat, on the Centre’s activities and financial situation. The Convenor and the Chairman of the Board encouraged all member States to ensure their continued financial support to the Centre as the best means for strengthening the Centre’s ability to support the South in various multilateral forums.

Many representatives of the South Centre’s member States spoke in appreciation of the Centre’s work and its activities during 2012, particularly in terms of the assistance provided by the Centre to developing countries in negotiations at the WTO, WIPO, UNCTAD, UNFCCC, WMO, and on issues relating to the global economy, the global financial crisis and the right to development. The research output of the Centre was appreciated by the representatives for their quality, usefulness, and ability to provide developing country perspectives on global issues. The member States also appreciated that the Centre’s financial situation had improved, with an increased operational surplus in 2012 following on from the operational surpluses generated in 2009-2011. Among the member States whose representatives spoke were the Philippines, Zimbabwe, Indonesia, Tanzania, South Africa, Algeria, Pakistan, Egypt, Iran, China, Cuba, Barbados and Ghana.

The Chairman of the Board then put forward for the consideration of the Council of Representatives the Board’s nomination of Ms. Victoria Tauli-Corpuz and Mr. Ransford Smith to serve on the Board of the South Centre. Their nomination was unanimously approved by the Council.

 

 
South Centre Conference discusses WTO’s Doha Round impasse and Bali Ministerial

[South Bulletin 72 Article]

A distinguished panel of experts and diplomats presented their views on the fate of the Doha Round and the upcoming WTO Bali Ministerial during the South Centre’s Conference in Geneva.


By Kinda Mohamadieh

The fate of the WTO Doha Round and the agenda of the forthcoming ministerial conference in Bali were discussed during a two-day conference organised by the South Centre from 31 January to 1 February 2013 in Geneva.

The South Centre conference on "The South in the global economic crisis and reviewing multilateral negotiations" convened a panel session on 1 February entitled "WTO and the multilateral trading system: The fate of Doha, the agenda of the Bali ministerial and beyond".

Speakers in the session included Dr. Rubens Ricupero, a member of the South Centre Board (and a former UNCTAD Secretary-General), Ambassador Srinivasan Narayanan, former Indian Ambassador to the WTO, Ambassador Faizel Ismail, permanent representative of South Africa to the WTO, and Mr. Lucas Saronga, acting permanent representative of Tanzania to the WTO.

The session was moderated by Mr. Martin Khor, Executive Director of the South Centre.

Mr. Khor began the session by stressing the need to make the existing global trading system "more fair and more effective". He noted that developing countries are trying to reform the existing rules, while developed countries have been making excessive demands on developing countries in the Doha negotiations despite its being supposed to be a "development round", and are also preparing to propose new rules that would make the system more imbalanced.

Dr. Rubens Ricupero reminded the conference that each time the trade negotiations "hit the rock", a flurry of books and essays emerge with anguished calls for initiatives to save the world's trading system. These calls are usually supported by deliberate recipes imagining the future of the world trading system.

He noted that today, we witness a repetition of such a trend, similar to that during the 1990s when the Uruguay Round was increasingly seen as a hopeless proposition. It is surprising how similar the books and ideas that were advanced in that period are to those of the present day, he added.

Dr. Ricupero stressed the need to assess the propositions put forward around the future of the world trading system based on two criteria; (1) the macroeconomics of the proposals put forward, and (2) the accuracy of the narrative in terms of diagnosing and explaining the stalemate in the trade negotiations.

He stressed that the reactivation of the Doha Round should consider the macroeconomic framework defining the trade negotiations. He highlighted the role of countries with a trade surplus in providing the necessary increase in world demand, which could allow international trade to pick up.

Dr. Ricupero highlighted that Germany's current account surplus stands at three times that of Japan and twice that of China. He added that most developing countries have larger deficits and smaller surpluses compared to the pre-crisis period. He expressed amazement at the lack of calls upon Germany to do its part in contributing to world demand, particularly because most developing countries have fulfilled their duties by increasing their imports of goods and services.

Dr. Ricupero said that free trade is not a benefit per se, but should be an active instrument in promoting development. According to him, trade negotiations should be exclusively judged based on the extent to which they contribute to development prospects in developing countries.

He added that the development dimension was the basic argument used to sell the WTO Doha Round back in 2001. Currently, the reasons behind the deadlock in the negotiations stem from the decision of advanced economies to retract on their promises given in Doha.

They are also aggressively pushing to extract additional concessions from other WTO members, irrespective of its negative impacts on development prospects, he said further.

Dr. Ricupero stressed that if the promises made in the Doha Ministerial Conference (2001) are not followed up, then "we need to be worried about the current state of trade negotiations".

Ambassador Narayanan of India commenced his presentation by reminding the conference that developing countries were initially skeptical about starting a new round of negotiations in the Doha ministerial back in 2001.

He explained that seven major assurances were given and built into the Doha Ministerial Declaration, based on which developing countries, including India, joined the consensus for a new Round.

Narayanan said that the assurances given to developing countries included: (1) that the needs and interests of the developing countries will be placed at the heart of the Doha work programme (i.e. paragraph 2 of the Doha Ministerial Declaration); (2) that negotiations on all outstanding "implementation issues" would be an integral part of the Doha work programme (i.e. paragraph 12 of the Doha Ministerial Declaration); (3) that a clear mandate for the implementation of Article 20 of the Agreement on Agriculture for further liberalisation of trade in agriculture will be developed; (4) that the "less than full reciprocity" principle will be incorporated in negotiations around non-agricultural market access (NAMA); (5) that the liberalisation of trade in services will be pursued according to Article XIX of GATS, upholding respect for the level of development of individual members and flexibility for developing countries; (6) that a commitment to the objective of duty-free quota-free (DFQF) market access for LDCs will be upheld; and (7) that a decision on commencement of negotiations on the "Singapore issues" (i.e. investment, competition, government procurement, and trade facilitation) will be postponed.

Of the seven assurances, only the assurance about the Singapore issues was fulfilled, apart from trade facilitation, along with partial fulfillment of DFQF for LDCs, said Narayanan.

Writings and analysis have proliferated during the last two years discussing the reasons for the impasse in the WTO negotiations. Narayanan noted that the reasons behind the impasse include the impacts of the global economic crisis, and the slowdown of developed economies associated with high rates of unemployment, limiting their ability to offer concessions.

He also indicated the unreasonable demands made on the so-called "emerging countries" like China, India, and Brazil to make concessions mainly for the benefit of developed countries.

He added that unlike the Uruguay Round, developing countries have increasingly garnered awareness and sensitisation of the implications resulting from accepting binding commitments. Developing country coalitions like the G33, NAMA-11, small and vulnerable economies (SVEs), LDCs, etc. have helped in collectively resisting the unreasonable demands, he said.

Moreover, they realised that it is better to ensure that the commitments they undertake are ones that could be implemented. Like-minded developing countries have recognised the added value of unity behind their demands, Narayanan said further.

He explained further that in counter-argument, developed countries claim that the reasons behind the stalemate were lack of enough offers on the table of negotiations. As part of their narrative, developed countries note that the world has changed and the mandate needs to be "re-balanced". They claim that "emerging countries" have benefited from the liberalisation undertaken by developed countries since 1948 and should pay back, he added.

Narayanan highlighted that unlike the claims that "emerging economies" are achieving convergence with OECD countries in terms of economic achievement, the World Bank figures (2012) show that the gap between "emerging economies" and the OECD countries persist in terms of per-capita GDP. While average per capita GDP of OECD countries was $41,225 in 2011, it was $12,594 in Brazil, $8,070 in South Africa, $5,445 in China, $9,977 in Malaysia, and $1,489 in India.

Moreover, "emerging economies" are home to large numbers of the poor of the world, living below US$1.25 per day, he said further.

As regards the outcomes of the upcoming Bali Ministerial Conference, Narayanan stressed that the credibility of the global trading system necessitates a balanced outcome at Bali that is in the interest of developing countries.

He underlined that the Bali Ministerial should not become "the farewell ministerial for the Doha mandate". He added that the "Doha Round must be completed with the development mandate intact and on the basis of the single undertaking".

He noted that the developed countries are strongly pursuing the initiative on trade facilitation as "early harvest", while marginalising the rest of the Doha mandate. A trade facilitation agreement would be binding on even small and vulnerable economies and LDCs. Under the present form, he said, the trade facilitation rules are basically an import facilitation agreement.

Narayanan explained that early harvest is only a sub-clause of Paragraph 47 of the Doha Declaration. The main point of that paragraph is that all negotiations should be carried on a single undertaking basis. He added that a consensus decision on early harvest should not upset the overall "single undertaking" nature of the negotiations.

He called upon developing countries to resist attempts and proposals aimed at changing the basic structure and modality of decision-making in the WTO.

He further stressed that the outcome from the Bali Ministerial should necessarily include the core LDC issues, including DFQF and cotton, as well as the G33 proposal on food security.

Adding that agriculture has been the most important sector in the current round from developing countries' perspective, he underlined that "abandoning the agriculture negotiations (built in Article 20 of the Agreement on Agriculture) will upset the rights and obligations arrived at, at the end of the Uruguay Round, to the disadvantage of developing countries".

He also reminded the conference that agriculture has been kept out of the negotiating agenda for 60 years to the benefit of developed economies. He added that the December 2008 draft negotiations' texts are the products of seven years of negotiations, and should not be jettisoned.

Narayanan called upon developing countries to resist the pressures to add new issues like investment, competition, and energy security to the negotiations agenda, at the cost of the Doha Round.

Narayanan added that a plurilateral services agreement applicable only to its members would not be WTO-consistent. He explained that Article V of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), dealing with the compatibility of economic integration arrangements outside the WTO, necessitates fulfilling the "substantial sectoral coverage" criterion.

Moreover, adding such an agreement as a WTO plurilateral agreement (i.e. as an Annex IV WTO agreement) has to be approved by WTO members exclusively on a consensus basis (based on Article X.9 of the WTO Agreement), he added.

Narayanan cautioned that powerful WTO members are hoping for divisions among emerging economies. They try to promote suspicion between "emerging economies" as a strategy to attract them to join the negotiations on a plurilateral agreement. He noted a heavy responsibility on "emerging economies" towards other less-developed countries in order to ensure that the idea of a plurilateral agreement does not succeed.

He concluded by underlining that "the long term interest of developed countries is in the development of the developing countries".

Ambassador Faizel Ismail of South Africa commenced his presentation by calling upon developing countries to prepare for Bali and what lies ahead in the post-Bali period, based on a longer-term approach to the global trading system.

He highlighted that three major trends have emerged during the Doha Round impasse since 2008.

First, a large number of commentators and academics declared the Doha Round effectively dead; second, a large number of writers argued that one of the reasons behind the impasse is that "emerging economies" are not offering enough and should be graduated out of the current developing country status; and third, a new narrative on trade is emerging, revolving around "global value chains" (GVCs), and linked to promotion of "new pathways" for the WTO, said Ismail.

 He explained that the policy prescriptions passed to developing countries within this context focus on reducing barriers to these supply chains, including barriers to movement of goods and services. They include as well an argument in support of the trade facilitation agreement.

He added that the approach to "new pathways" is reflected in attempts to promote changes in the WTO negotiations away from the principles of single undertaking and consensus-based decisions, towards majority voting, issue-by-issue negotiations, request-and-offer approach, and plurilateral agreements (i.e. agreements that have a narrower group of signatories than the full WTO membership, and that apply only to those signatory member states).

Ismail critiqued a report entitled "Enabling Trade: Valuing Growth Opportunities", which was released by the World Economic Forum in collaboration with Bain & Company and the World Bank (January 2013). The report claims that "reducing supply chain barriers to trade could increase global GDP up to six times more than removing tariffs". He challenged the statistical background behind this analysis, including how barriers to GVCs are quantified. He also questioned the impacts of reducing barriers to GVCs on growth and welfare.

Ismail argued that such analysis makes simplistic assumptions that imports create exports. This kind of simplicity pushes aside the debate on the need for active policies on national and international levels to address beneficiation, diversification, building capacity, and assisting developing countries to make real gains from trade and to move up the value chain.

He added that the arguments for a self-regulating market remain divorced from concerns around unemployment, inequalities, and poverty. It does not consider the asymmetries of global power that define the global economy, he said further.

As a strategy towards the Bali Ministerial Conference, developing countries should put LDC issues, including agriculture, as a priority, noted Ismail. He concluded by calling upon developing countries to "build their own narrative about what they want from the current Doha Round, and how they view the multilateral trading system and the key elements and principles underpinning it".

He added that developing countries have articulated many of these principles, including inclusiveness, participation, special and differential treatment, and equity. Still, there is urgency for developing countries to articulate their vision on how the WTO needs to be reconstituted and redefined, said Ismail.

Mr. Lucas Saronga of Tanzania stressed that "MC9 should not be an end of the line but a stepping stone on a longer term roadmap leading to the conclusion of the Doha Development Round" and that the "Doha Development mandate should be respected and not eroded".

He added that "the outcomes of MC8 should be respected and should be a basis for MC9", while "full participation of all members, inclusiveness, and transparency should be maintained".

Saronga noted that the LDC issues should be top priority to resolve despite the current impasse in the negotiations. He added that "no balance is required for LDCs because of their negligible weight in the world economy". LDCs have put forward the proposal of DFQF market access for their exports in the first WTO Ministerial Conference back in Singapore (1996), he said.

He said that in the Millennium Declaration (2000), the international community pledged to adopt a policy of DFQF market access. Currently, most developed countries are implementing DFQF schemes while developing countries are increasingly taking steps in this regard. On cotton, WTO members reaffirmed their commitment at the Hong Kong Ministerial Conference towards having an explicit decision. These issues have still not been resolved, he added.

On plurilateral agreements, Saronga said that such arrangements would lead developing countries and LDCs to lose their special and differential treatment flexibilities under the WTO.

He added that while LDCs may not be targeted to join such agreements, creating more plurilateral agreements, such as the International Services Agreement, would eventually lead to a "club" within a "club". Such developments, he underlined, would have "systemic implications for the WTO and will erode the multilateral nature of the institution", while undermining the single undertaking principle.

With regards to the trade facilitation negotiations, Saronga noted that "LDCs do not agree with ‘cherry picking' of the agreement in its current form". He stressed that "any outcome on trade facilitation must ensure both internal and external development balance".

As he noted, this would include "acquisition of capacity to implement the trade facilitation rules and obligations, and safeguards such as periodic implementation review mechanism to assess the extent to which the implementation of the new rules and obligations are contributing to the overall sustainable economic development of developing and least-developed countries".

As regards early harvest, Saronga said that "if early harvest takes place, then it should include LDCs' issues that integrate them into the multilateral trading system", including duty-free quota-free market access and cotton.

He stressed that implementation and special and differential treatment issues should be resolved as well. He cautioned that most of the 28 special and differential treatment provisions and the monitoring mechanism as currently on the table "have little or no value... and need to be improved".

Saronga noted the attempts of developed countries to introduce new issues (i.e. investment, competition, energy security, climate change, etc.) as replacement for completing the Doha Round. However, he stressed that 20th century issues, including implementation, special and differential treatment, as well as the LDC package issues, should be resolved first.

On the LDCs' extension under the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), Saronga explained that the extension of the transition period for LDCs under Article 66.1 of TRIPS ends on 1st of July 2013. However, the economic situation of LDCs has not significantly changed in terms of technological base and the overall constraints they face. LDCs are asking for maintaining the flexibilities in accordance with Article 66.1 of TRIPS as long as those constraints remain.

He said that Article 66.1 of TRIPS provides that the Council for TRIPS "shall, upon duly motivated request by a least developed country Member, accord extensions of this period". The LDC group has tabled a draft proposal of a "duly motivated' request to the TRIPS Council.

Accordingly, Saronga underlined, the extension is supposed to be automatic. He recalled that MC8 invited the TRIPS Council "to give full consideration to a duly motivated request from LDCs". He called on the support of developing countries and other member states when the proposal will be discussed in March 2013.

Following the presentations by the panellists, during the question-and-answer session, Dr. Yilmaz Akyuz, chief economist of the South Centre, explained that today's global production chains are organised and controlled by multinational companies from the industrial countries. He added that the global value chain agenda is focused on pushing free trade, but holds much more dangers. The integration in these networks of global production is not governed by a country's development strategy, but rather by the profit strategies of the multinational companies.

Dr. Akyuz cautioned that the global value chain narrative represents a nexus of trade, investment, and services issues. Through this narrative, he noted, developing countries are being presented with a bundle of negotiation agendas including on NAMA, services and the Singapore issues, all in a single package.

Ambassador Marion Williams, permanent representative of Barbados to the WTO, cautioned that the trade facilitation agenda as it stands facilitates imports and not exports. She refuted the assumption that technical assistance on trade facilitation will solve the problems facing developing countries.

Often, she noted, the difficulty arises from the impact of trade facilitation measures on the economies of net-importing developing countries. The proposed trade facilitation text does not deal with how to stimulate their exports or how to address the resulting increase in their imports.

The trade facilitation agenda as it stands will benefit net exporters. Net importers, on the other hand, could face the risk of dispute settlement challenges if they fail to implement the many trade facilitation measures that they would have to agree to as part of the agreement. Many developing countries have not implemented any yet.

Williams stressed that special and differential treatment under the trade facilitation agenda should not be limited to longer implementation periods. She called for a different approach to trade facilitation negotiations, which includes safeguards for developing countries, especially net importers, as well as impact assessments, especially for LDCs and small and vulnerable economies.

Mr. Chakravarthi Raghavan, editor emeritus of the SUNS Bulletin, said if there is an attempt to incorporate a plurilateral services agreement in the WTO (the proposed International Services Agreement, with conditional benefits to signatories only), it would be a fraud on the Marrakesh Treaty and international public law, and developing countries should continue to say NO. Developing countries should refuse to accept it, he said.

He also said that the "black-box" in the global value chain (the nexus of trade, investment and services issues, a bundle of negotiation agendas including on NAMA, services and the Singapore issues) to which Mr. Akyuz alluded to contained within them another black box, namely, the ability of TNCs involved in so-called "global chains" to allocate their incomes and profits to jurisdictions like the Cayman Islands where there is no taxation, so that they avoid all taxes in all countries incurring expenditures on infrastructures and where production and sale take place.

Kinda Mohamadieh is a Senior Researcher associated with the Arab NGO Network for Development, and currently based at the South Centre.

 

 

 
The UN’s Post-2015 Development Agenda & the Rio+20 Follow Up discussed at South Conference

[South Bulletin 72 Article]

The South Centre Conference in Geneva held a session on Sustainable Development issues. This article focuses on two presentations on the UN’s post-2015 Development Agenda and on the post-Rio+20 Summit process.


By Bhumika Muchhala

The South Centre held a conference in Geneva on 31 January – 1 February, which stressed the importance of addressing national development strategies and social development policies in the United Nation’s Post-2015 development framework and in the follow-up to the Rio+20 Summit held in June 2012.

The conference addressed important issues in the global economy and in multilateral negotiations and cooperation, including the imperative of South-South cooperation, the impact of free trade agreements and investment agreements on development and policy space in developing countries and the current economic problems, policies and prospects across Africa, Latin America and Asia.

Deepak Nayyar, Professor of Economics at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi, India and Vice Chairman of the South Centre Board, addressed the UN’s Post-2015 development framework.

The Post-2015 development framework will establish the framework for development priorities in the UN and beyond starting in 2015. Since the year 2000, the global development framework has been largely characterized by the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).  

The ongoing development of the Post-2015 agenda is taking place in the UN system through several processes, including national consultations and a High-Level Panel chaired by the heads of state of the UK, Indonesia and Liberia. Several UN agencies have also been carrying out thematic consultations on a range of topics such as inequality, governance, employment and food and hunger.

Nayyar said that much of the discussion on the Post-2015 development framework is concentrated on the multilateral system, in which there is a proactive engagement on the part of industrial countries. He noted that nothing is more ironic than the fact that UK Prime Minister David Cameron leads the High-Level Panel. Thus far, developing countries of the South are at best reactive and at worst marginal to this process. A repeat scenario of the past, where the MDGs were drafted by a small group of diplomats in New York and then presented to member states in the General Assembly, must be avoided.

Nayyar noted that the MDGs, for better or worse, need to be considered as a starting point. However, the future cannot and should not be a prisoner of the past, he stressed. The international community needs to look at what can be learned from the MDG experience. Several key questions arise. First, is the 2015 juncture the same or significantly different than 2000? Second, what should be done by developing countries in the national context? And third, what can be done to reshape the international context so that it is more conducive to development?

The various reasons why the MDGs, much like the Human Development Index, caught the popular imagination are obvious. The MDGs were simple, with quantitative targets and objectives that are easy to comprehend. The good intentions of the MDGs are hard to disagree with. However, the accountability of the international community and national governments has been a limited endeavour. This is partly due to the reality that the constituencies for poor people simply didn’t have voice or the power of sanction. 

As it turned out, the MDGs did not serve the larger strategic purpose of changing the discourse on development. The limitations of the MDGs as a construction requires some evaluation of the concept and design of the MDGs as a framework.

Conceptually, the MDGs present an outcome but does not set out a process to achieve them. In other words, a destination is defined but the journey is missing. The MDGs do not fully consider the diverse positions at which countries are starting from in their developmental pathways. The MDGs are also laid out in terms of aggregates and averages that often conceal distributional outcomes. Its design, characterized by a multiplicity of objectives that span a wide range, has serious limitations as well.

The MDG’s goals are set out in proportions, such as “half the number of people,” and addresses good intentions such as literacy and preservation of biodiversity. However, Nayyar asserted that some indicators are inappropriate or misleading. There is a misplaced emphasis on stepping up the rate of economic growth. Indeed, the formulation of the indicators reveal the ways in which the MDGs have been misunderstood, misused and misappropriated. For example, global norms have been presented as national targets and the dominant economic and social ideology of our times, which is orthodox, have not been questioned or challenged.

Nayyar stressed that more of the same cannot be an option, the Post-2015 framework has to be different. However, it is to be accepted that there will be genuine differences of opinion between countries and constituencies on framing the Post-2015 development framework. In particular, achieving political consensus on the means of implementation will be exceedingly difficult. Developing countries will need voice and influence to focus on equitable growth, aid, and improved governance.

For the MDGs to be substantially changed into its future incarnation, Nayyar presented three points of departure. First, it is imperative that there is structural flexibility at the national level. It is necessary to recognize the possibilities of some interdependence among objectives and some trade-offs between objectives. For this purpose, the new framework should state in its premises that development objectives are a norm rather than a floor or a ceiling. They should also state that development outcomes are illustrative rather than exhaustive, and suggestive rather than definitive.

It must also be explicitly stated that the Post-2015 development framework represents objectives for the world as a whole, which are not a scale to measure progress in every country because national goals must be formulated domestically, with the use of global norms as a point of reference.

Second, structural inequalities must be analyzed in any assessment of outcomes. It is necessary to monitor progress at a disaggregated level or compute statistical averages by introducing some weights that reflect the distribution among people. This is essential because inequalities exist and distributional outcomes matter.

There are two ways in which this can be done. The simplest method would be to focus on the bottom 1/4th or poorest 40% of the aggregate national population. Spatial inequality can be seen through disaggregated evidence at provincial or regional levels. 

And third, it is imperative that the new framework for 2015 and beyond must incorporate the means rather than simply focus on ends. In other words, something needs to be said not only on outcomes but also on process. However, there must be resistance to the temptation of setting out specifics of policies. Rather, the intention should be to produce an outline through which countries have the freedom to follow their own national development policies.

It is important that the Post-2015 development framework avoids an attempt to produce generalized prescriptions or universal blueprints. Policies and strategies must evolve at a national level as times and circumstances change. However, the framework could enunciate some general propositions that are suggestive rather than definitive or exhaustive. 

Some examples of suggestive and general propositions are the following:

  • Economic growth is necessary but not sufficient to bring about development. 
  • It is necessary to create institutional mechanisms that would transform economic growth into meaningful development by improving the living conditions of people. Public action is an integral part of this process. 
  • Employment creation provides the only sustainable means of poverty reduction. 
  • Policies should not be prescribed once-and-for-all because there are specificities in time and space. 
  • External finance is a complement to but cannot be a substitute for domestic resources. 
  • The role of the state remains critical in the process of development.

The Post-2015 development framework must at its outset acknowledge that we live in a world that is significantly different from the world in 2000. The consequences of the global financial and economic crisis has worsened development prospects in many developing and even some developed countries. It is now clear that the developing world is not immune, but rather more resilient, from what happens in the world economy. The looming menace of climate change and all its consequent impacts on economic, social and food security, also persist.

Furthermore, Nayyar highlighted that deprivation is no longer about developing countries alone. There is relative, absolute deprivation in developed countries as well, as witnessed in the profound increase in economic inequalities both between countries and among people. Inequality is increasingly difficult to sustain in democratic politics. The idea of austerity now for prosperity later is something people are not easily willing to accept. Democratic change must be on the horizon, especially with the reality of industrial societies aging and ongoing significant international migration despite draconian immigration laws.

The Post-2015 development framework must also acknowledge a shift in the balance of global economic power in the world that is discernible now in a way that it wasn’t in 2000. However, while the share of developing countries GDP in world global GDP rose to its highest in 2010, the influence and voice of developing countries in the policymaking fora of the international community remains negligible.

Abandon MDG 8 and start over

On Goal 8 of the MDGs, which is the global partnership for development, Nayyar argued that Goal 8 should be abandoned and the Post-2015 should start over in defining and committing to changes in the international financial architecture. Simply put, the international community needs to do better on this unfinished business of the global partnership for development. Its essence should be indeed that of partnership, not patronage, which is the result of an aid-dominated discourse which leaves much to be desired.

Even if all the official development aid had been committed with good intentions, it would not have solved the problem. Evidence and experience suggest that aid is a mixed blessing, often turning out to be an equivalent of the ‘natural resources curse.’ It is clear that for developing countries, rather than an overwhelming focus on external finance, access to medicines, technology and markets is imperative and would serve to reduce some of the asymmetries in development.  

Goal 8 as it currently stands should be abandoned, and three key actions in the international context should be focused on. First, remove the asymmetrical relations within and between rich and poor countries. Instead of more performance criteria for developing countries, there ought to be a more equal partnership. The asymmetries in the development framework should also be removed, in particular by addressing the various protectionist policies of developed countries.

Second, increase the policy space for developing countries that has been encroached on through the international regimes. And third, move toward the logic and spirit of international cooperation and solidarity and away from the history of asymmetrical and unjust policies and systems.

Prioritizing a development-oriented national policy strategy

Nayyar asserted that there is a global momentum toward the role of the state and national development strategies, which is coming from many different sources.

To revive the idea and plan of a national development strategy, macroeconomic policies must be reformulated. It is essential to return to a developmental approach in macroeconomic policies, he said, in the prioritization of short-term countercyclical monetary and fiscal policies with an eye toward long-term development objectives. 

For this, economic growth with human development must become an integral part of the mandate of financial ministries and central banks. Long-term poverty reduction is only possible through such an approach. Education and social consumption in health and public goods must be scaled up. Substantial investments in infrastructure must be made. And exclusion must be addressed, particularly through the widening of social safety nets and government programs. 

However, it is not sufficient to speak about ‘inclusive growth’ as governments often do. Rather, it is necessary to ensure that the process of growth is pro-poor. Employment must be placed at the center-stage in the 2015 process. The critical importance of public action must be stressed, in that the developmental role of the state is critical across the entire spectrum of what needs to be done.

It is imperative that the moral authority of the state is restored. The state has been eroded in the current era of market fundamentalism. Illogical conclusions about the state have been made by using the select examples of inept and corrupt governments. But governments cannot be replaced with markets.

Nayyar emphasized that the external and internal must be viewed in terms of markets and resources. External markets must be a complement not substitute for domestic markets, which are critical for development. We need to remember that domestic markets are at one level constitutive of development because it means that ordinary people have purchasing power. On the other hand, domestic markets are also instrumental because they can drive the process of growth in ways that rely on domestic resources and productive capacity.

In rethinking development, there is a vital need to restore the balance between states and markets, for the pendulum has swung too far in the direction of markets. So much of what needs to be done needs to be done by states. Governments are accountable to people, markets are not. A crash in stock markets is a system failure, but a crash in government has grave consequences.

Martin Khor, executive director of the South Centre, addressed the future of sustainable development and the onset of an intergovernmental process in the UN to formulate sustainable development goals (SDGs).

Khor outlined three immediate follow-up actions to the Rio+20 summit of the UN on sustainable development, which was held in June 2012 in Brazil. The first follow-up action is the establishment of the SDG process. The second is the creation of two groups in the UN that will address the means of implementation (financing of sustainable development) and technology. And the third is the establishment of a High-Level Political Forum for sustainable development. 

The first action, the SDGs, is currently preoccupying UN missions in New York. The establishment of the Open Working Group on the SDGs is now complete. However, there is an important question of what developing countries want out of the SDGs. During the Rio+20 process, European countries had at first come up with the idea of a Green Economy Road Map. However, they did not succeed. Instead, the concept of Sustainable Development Goals was accepted.

Towards the end of the process, European countries proposed six or seven SDGs in order to create something concrete in the summit. Their goals were on the environmental side. Developing countries argued it was too early to adopt a few SDGs. There should be economic and social goals as well, as the idea of sustainable development is to recognize that environmental crises exist alongside economic and social crises, and that in order to address environmental issues, social and economic issues have to be simultaneously addressed. 

The SDGs thus have to be walking on three legs, that of economic, social and environment. These three legs are the cornerstone of the SDGs, and developing countries would not accept the articulation of goals based solely on environmental factors. The task now is to articulate goals in all three pillars. 

In the area of environment, the goals could be selected from issues such as: climate and atmosphere, biodiversity and forests, oceans and seas, toxic chemicals and wastes, sustainable agriculture, water, and energy. 

Khor stressed that the challenge now is to come up with the economic and social goals. Some examples of economic goals for the SDGs are to regulate financial markets to prevent future financial crises, to re-orient the financial system to meet the needs of the real economy, to prevent and properly manage external debt crises, to address the volatility of commodity prices and markets, to achieve adequate and inclusive growth and to have a balanced set of macro-economic policies and goals.

Social goals for the SDGs can include, for example, the reduction of social inequalities and achievement of greater equity between and within countries, full employment and adequate rural livelihoods in the formal and informal sectors, adequate policy space for developing countries to promote social development and a re-orientation of the international intellectual property regime to enable social development in developing countries.

High-Level Political Forum must ensure substance of sustainable development

Khor also addressed the establishment of a High-Level Political Forum (HLPF) which is going to address sustainable development. In adopting the Rio+20 outcome document in the General Assembly it was agreed that the Commission for Social Development (CSD) would be replaced by the HLPF. 

Consequently, the issues of the CSD would be addressed in the HLPF. Khor said that the HLPF must have a strong organisational base and adequate number of days in a year for meetings to cover the sustainable development issues. It must be stronger than the CSD. But some countries seem to want a weak organisation instead. Khor stressed that this would be an unfortunate development, because it will most likely reduce the substantive issues in the CSD to a few roundtables held during the annual General Assembly sessions held in September of each year. It would be tragic for developing countries to have the substance of CSD replaced with panel sessions. 

There may be weaknesses in the CSD, but there is a secretariat, programme of work and 2-3 weeks meetings per year. If this entire establishment of the CSD is closed down and replaced with just a forum, then how is the Rio+20 outcome document going to be implemented, Khor asked.

With regard to the follow-up process for the financing of sustainable development, Khor emphasized that developing countries need to address the issues of technology transfer and development. There are significant hurdles, as developed countries were very reluctant to have any wording on technology transfer during the Rio+20 negotiations.

Khor also highlighted the need for a home for the SDGs, which logically should be the HLPF. In essence, the MDGs never had a home. Although the UNDP and DESA, to some degree, coordinated the functions and processes of the MDGs on the national level, the MDGs never had a formal secretariat.

A secretariat must be established for the HLPF in order to ensure that it will remain strong and influential, and to ensure that it will meet for more than two weeks per year. The Human Rights Council in Geneva meets 250 days per year, with many subsidiary bodies and processes. 

The HLPF for sustainable development should also ideally become an organization of 100 or so professionals working on sustainable development issues. Such an organization would then work alongside implementing bodies such as the United Nations Environment Program and the Food and Agriculture Organization. The HLPF could then also ensure that important economic and social issues that are integrally connected to sustainable development would also have a home. 

However, Khor noted that a key challenge for the HLPF is that it would have to interface with the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). If the reform of ECOSOC takes a number of years, as it has done for many years in the past, then during that process of revitalization there might be a vacuum where in the absence of the CSD there may be no operational forum or council for sustainable development.

 

Bhumika Muchhala is a Senior Researcher with the Third World Network.  

 

 
The State of Multilateral Affairs and South Centre Activities 2012

[South Bulletin 72 Article]

 

At the annual meeting of the South Centre’s Council of Representatives, the Executive Director Martin Khor presented the following report of the Centre’s activities in 2012.


INTRODUCTION

Developing countries faced many challenges in the year 2012. There was a further weakening of the global economy, due to the continuing crisis in the European region and the uncertainties in the US economy due to the possibility of the “fiscal cliff”. Many developing countries experienced a decline in their GDP growth rates.

Multilateralism also seemed to be weakening as the developed countries challenged the hitherto widely accepted principles such as common but differentiated responsibilities, technology transfer and new and additional financial resources. After often acrimonious negotiations, there was an agreed outcome in two important events, UNCTAD XIII and the Rio plus 20 Summit. But the lack of international cooperation was also evident in the WTO (where the Doha Round continues its impasse) and the climate change negotiations.   Nevertheless, the developing countries generally maintained their unity in several negotiating fora, and they successfully implemented the Summit of the Non Aligned Movement in Tehran.

ACTIVITIES

The Centre continued to conduct a broad range of activities in 2012, including research, convening of meetings, negotiating support, participation in international meetings, and publications. The issues covered included global finance and economy, trade, IPR and innovation policies, climate change and sustainable development.

On issues relating to the Global Economy and Development, the South Centre was deeply involved in the UNCTAD XIII session in Doha in April, as well as the preparatory process. UNCTAD XIII was a turning point for UNCTAD and multilateral relations. The G77 and China fought a tough battle to have the UNCTAD mandate reaffirmed, and to enable UNCTAD to continue its work on several areas such as the global economic crisis, finance, debt and macroeconomic policy. The G77 and China eventually succeeded in having the UNCTAD mandate reaffirmed. The Centre supported developing countries and the G77 and China in this effort; as well as an initiative by former senior officials of UNCTAD in highlighting their views in support of UNCTAD. The Centre was invited to be a keynote speaker in the G77 and China Ministerial meeting at the start of the UNCTAD XIII session.

On the global economic crisis, the Centre played a significant role in supporting G77 and China and several developing countries in preparing for the UN General Assembly high level conference on the global economy and finance, held in May. The Centre’s chief economist held two meetings, and the ED held one other meeting, with the developing countries to brief the developing countries on the state of the global economy and the impact on developing countries. The Chief Economist was a key speaker at the UNGA conference. The Centre also advised the developing countries on re-activating the UNGA ad hoc working group on the financial crisis. The Centre published a new book, “Financial Crisis and Global Imbalances, a Development Perspective”, which put together various research papers written by the Chief Economist on the global financial crisis and the effects on developing countries. A new research paper, “The Staggering Rise of the South?” was published; it questioned the theory of de-coupling and the view that the developing countries were about to overtake the North in future performance. 

The Centre also co organized a three-day NGO strategy meeting on finance and development in May, with about 50 NGOs and resource persons attending. The Centre also took an active role in organizing two sessions at the conference of the Turkish Economic Association held in Izmir in October, which was attended by several senior policy makers and academics.

The Rio+20 summit (20-22 June) was held in Brazil, and there were four preparatory meetings (three in New York in end-March, end-April and end-May; and the fourth in Rio on 13-19 June). South Centre was active in monitoring the negotiations and supporting the G77 and China and many developing countries, by holding several meetings, and preparing papers and proposals on various topics. The G77 and China eventually succeeded in obtaining most of their negotiating objectives, especially in reaffirming the Rio principles and the common but differentiated responsibility, in the face of resistance by developed countries. They also maintained policy space on the green economy and sustainable development goals, while its proposal for a new high-level political forum on sustainable development was accepted. However there was a weak outcome on finance and technology. The overall level of ambition for urgent action in the face of global ecological and economic crises was low in the final outcome. An important achievement however was that there are important follow up processes that could lead to longer-term gains. Besides its support and advocacy role, the Centre was also active in (1) holding an official side event on Rio+20; (2) co-organising a seminar on the world economy and Brazil with MINDS and BNDES; (3) three South Centre personnel taking part in three out of the seven official Sustainable development Dialogues; and (4) meeting political leaders. The Centre intends to be active in the follow up process.

The UNFCCC climate negotiations resumed after the Durban decision to initiate negotiations for a new Durban Platform (either a legally binding regime or an agreed outcome with legal force). The Centre organized a three-day brainstorming and strategy meeting in March in Geneva and then hosted a series of meetings in Bonn for some like-minded developing counties to prepare the case for an equity based approach to the Durban Platform. The cooperation and coordination of such a group developed significantly in May at the Bonn session. The Centre’s ED also spoke at an important UNFCCC official climate equity workshop in Bonn.   The Centre was also active in the UNFCCC session in Bangkok in August/September and then assisted in the meeting of a like-minded group held in Beijing in October. The Centre played an active role in the Conference of Parties (COP18) in Doha in November/December by providing resource persons and organizing or taking part in several meetings, including a meeting of Ministers of developing countries organized by Saudi Arabia, and its own side event.

Besides the UNFCCC, the Centre has also been following the progress in the Inter-Governmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), with several experts from the Centre reviewing the first-order draft of the mitigation working group. The Centre also co-organized a meeting of expert reviewers and lead authors of the IPCC working group to review the first-order draft.

The Innovation and Access to Knowledge and IP section was also active in supporting developing countries in negotiations at WIPO, WHO, WTO, FAO and UNFCCC. South Centre personnel took part in activities and meetings not only in these institutions but in a wide range of academic, scholarly and NGO meetings. The issues included IP and development in general, access to health technologies, access to knowledge, traditional knowledge, disclosure and benefit sharing in genetic resources, and national IP and development strategy. The Centre continued to hold meetings to support developing country delegations to prepare for meetings at the WIPO, in several meetings relating to a range of topics – the development agenda at WIPO, copyright, patents and genetic resources/traditional knowledge. The Centre continued to support the Development Agenda Group of developing countries especially at the WIPO negotiations. The Centre co-organised a meeting of Ambassadors and high-level officials from capitals of the Development Agenda Group during the WIPO General Assemblies. 

The Centre was also active in health and development issues. It also took a leading role in the initiation and development of the idea of a global R+D treaty for medicines and other health products that are especially required by developing countries. The Centre’s IP and technology advisor played a leading role in the WHO expert group on R+D to develop this idea, and he and the Centre’s health advisor also played significant roles in the discussions at the World Health Assembly, leading to a resolution that takes this concept a step forward.   The Centre also began to participate in the meetings of the protocol on tobacco control linked to the WHO. The Centre was also invited by WHO to take part in its advisory group on production of generic medicines in developing countries. In January, the ED was invited to be a keynote speaker at the 50th anniversary congress of the Indian Drug Manufacturers’ Association in which he urged the Indian generic companies to continue to supply quality generic medicines for the developing countries. 

On trade and development, the South Centre focused much of its resources in assisting the African Union as well as specific African countries and groupings, such as the east African Community, in developing alternatives to the EU’s model of EPA for the ACP countries, as well as to counter argue against the new EC policy in removing trade preferences (including GSP and GSP-plus) for several non-LDCs. The Chairman also made a keynote speech at an important EAC meeting in Arusha while Board member Charles Soludo published extensively on the issue in African publications. The Centre, together with the AU commission and ACP secretariat have jointly developed an alternative trade preference scheme for Africa. The Centre is attempting new ways of addressing the issue in the months ahead.  

The Centre has also been monitoring developments at the WTO, including the emergence of new issues such as “global value chains” and the continuing attempts by developed countries to reintroduce “new issues” while avoiding old commitments especially in agriculture. The Centre has been providing support to the Friends of Development group in WTO. The Centre co-organised a session on the future of the trading system at the WTO Public Forum. Towards the end of the year, the Centre supported the efforts of the LDC Group to submit proposals for the extension of the exemption period for LDCs in relation to the TRIPS Agreement. The Centre also participated and spoke at the LDC Group retreat organized in November. 

The media and publications work of the Centre expanded in 2012. Regular monthly issues of the South Bulletin were produced, with focus on various issues, including the state of the global economy and developing countries’ economies; two issues on UNCTAD XIII and the Rio Plus 20 negotiations; the NAM summit; on the EPAs and the impasse at the WTO negotiations; and the emerging crisis of investment agreements. The translation unit continued its work of translating South Bulletin and several research papers and other documents into French and Spanish. The Centre also published three books, on the global economic situation; a handbook on pharmaceutical patents; and a bibliography on articles and books on access to medicines. The Centre also published several Research Papers, briefing papers and analytical notes. The Centre also expanded its publication of SouthNews and SouthViews and is in the process of revamping its website.

The administration section continued with its work to support staffing, financing and other activities.

Two Board meetings were held in 2012.  The first meeting was held in Geneva in February, with associated activities being a reception was held for diplomats, and a two-day conference on the State of the Global Economy and Reflections on International Negotiations. The second meeting was also held in Geneva, with a half-day seminar on developments in sustainable development, particularly the Rio plus 20 summit. The year 2012 marked the passing away of Board member Angela Cropper as well as the resignation due to health reasons of Leticia Ramos Shahani of the Philippines.    

The annual meeting of the Council of Representatives was held in January in Geneva. It elected H.E. Ambassador Abdul Minty of South Africa as the Convenor of the Council for a three year term. It also welcomed a new member state, Ecuador, and appointed a new Board member, Youba Sokona.   

CONCLUSION

Looking forward to 2013, the Centre intends to expand its activities of research, analysis, convening of meetings and cooperating with countries as well as with organisations of the South.

The year ahead is also very challenging, with many important international processes taking place, including the start of the UN’s post 2015 Development Agenda, the WTO negotiations towards the Ministerial Conference in Bali at the end of the year, the FTAs and EPAs, the climate negotiations at UNFCCC, the follow up to the Rio Plus 20 Summit including the establishment of the sustainable development goals (SDGs) and the several meetings at WIPO and WHO. The South Centre hopes to participate actively in these and other processes.

To enable the expansion of the Centre's activities in 2013 and beyond, it is necessary for the Centre to obtain additional financial and human resources. We hope that the member states of the Centre will increase their contributions, through the annual contributions and through special contributions beyond the annual contributions that can be made to the overall operating funds or to more specific projects.

The Centre looks forward to working with the member states, the developing countries in general, and with civil society in the year ahead.

 

 

 
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